Monday 14 April 2014

Leprosy Mission Event to be held in Congleton - 2nd May

Leprosy Mission Event to be held 2nd May with Fiona Bruce MP

An open evening will be held at the Chappell Centre, Holy Trinity Church, Mossley, Leek Road, Congleton on 2nd May at 7pm with Fiona Bruce MP to explain the work of the Leprosy Mission.
Fiona Bruce saidHaving spent time with people afflicted by Leprosy in  Africa I know what a difference the help of the Leprosy Mission can make. Even a relatively modest means of support such as modifying a trowel or a rake so that a leprosy sufferer who has lost their hands can still till their land for crops can make an enormous difference to their livelihood and that of their family. I am therefore very pleased to have been invited to support this event.”

Fiona co-sponsors 10 minute rule bill on gambling advertising

Fiona Bruce MP co-sponsors bill to regulate gambling advertising

Fiona Bruce is one of a group of MPs who have recently introduced a ten minute rule bill into the Commons to stop gambling advertising before the watershed.
Fiona Bruce said “ I would, of course, like to go further – the increasing prevalence of gambling advertising on television is deeply concerning and whilst there has been some mention of the dangers of gambling addiction and the damage this can cause to individuals and families,  in Parliament, this needs to be highlighted much more. This bill is a start.”
Speaking in a previous debate in the Commons, Fiona Bruce said, “Some 400,000 people in this country are problem gamblers and 3.5 million are at risk of developing a gambling problem. These are not small numbers. Furthermore, 50% of problem gamblers reporting to the National Problem Gambling Clinic say that fixed odds betting terminals are a disproportionate cause of problem gambling. We can understand why that is when we hear that these high-stakes machines can take bets of £100 per game and that up to £1,800 can be lost in an hour. Every year in the UK, people lose more than £1 billion on FOBTs, of which problem gamblers lose £300,000.
Users do not need to be addicted for catastrophic problems to be caused to them and their families. It is not just an individual problem, but a grave social and public health issue that we need to recognise and deal with. Phill Holdsworth, head of external affairs at Christians Against Poverty, says:
“Where we work with families…where one member…has a problem with gambling it is very difficult and often impossible to provide any form of debt solution. It is not possible to put forward a solution without them receiving help or support for their addiction. This means the other family members”
continue to suffer. He continued:
“A debt solution is very difficult to apply when gambling problems are present.”
Problem gambling costs society £3.24 billion a year, and the addition of each problem gambler severely affects the lives of about eight individuals around them. As such, about 3 million people are now affected by problem gambling—every one an individual, every one a blighted life, many of them children. We urgently need a concerted Government approach and—I believe—a cross-party approach to address the economic, social and health costs associated with problem gambling. The Salvation Army, whose work I pay tribute to in this respect, says:
“Problem gambling particularly affects the young… Problem gambling amongst young people is an emerging public health issue. In the UK, over 10% of children who gamble are problem gamblers, whilst 18% of them are at risk gamblers.”
I agree with the phrase used by the hon. Member for Rutherglen and Hamilton West (Tom Greatrex), when he said that many people viewed gambling as anathema. I do. We need to review our whole approach towards gambling. The average treatment for a problem gambler costs £675, meaning that £274 million would be required to treat all problem gamblers in the UK, yet the gambling industry’s contribution is just £5 million.
I oppose the Opposition motion, which is wholly inadequate, not least because the hon. Member for Eltham (Clive Efford), who introduced it, said that the motion was not about problem gambling. Well, it should be. I support the Government amendment, but I exhort the Minister to expedite the research and extend the Government’s work on the devastating causes and consequences of all problem gambling, not least for the sake of our next generation.”

ENDS
NOTE TO EDITOR
Below is the transcript from Hansard of the presentation of the Bill:
Regulation of Gambling Advertising
Motion for leave to bring in a Bill (Standing Order No. 23)
1.16 pm
Jake Berry (Rossendale and Darwen) (Con): I beg to move,
That leave be given to bring in a Bill to prohibit the advertising of gambling on broadcast media before the watershed; and for connected purposes.
Opportunities to gamble have increased significantly in the United Kingdom in the past decade, both offline and online. Young people today are the first generation to grow up with gambling being seen by society as an acceptable form of entertainment or leisure activity. The proliferation of online gambling in particular, backed through blanket advertising, has brought into the home what was traditionally a male-dominated activity that took place in bookmakers. It is my concern about these changes in attitude to gambling, particularly in the young, that has prompted me to make this proposal that the law be changed to prohibit all forms of gambling adverts from television screens before the traditional watershed at 9 pm.
The number of TV gambling adverts has risen by a staggering 600% since the law was changed in 2007, when the sector was deregulated. These adverts now equate to one in 24 adverts on television. Ofcom research shows that gambling commercials have rocketed from just 234,000 in 2007 to 1.4 million last year. Under-16s are on average exposed to 211 adverts a year. This figure includes children as young as four who have seen and acknowledged the adverts. Bingo, the lottery and football pools have always been able to advertise on television. However, the Gambling Act 2005 made a specific exemption from the more general ban on advertising before the watershed for sports betting, largely because most matches takes place before the 9 pm watershed. Most sporting events attract younger viewers and recent events that I have watched have been saturated with such adverts for sports betting.
The rising number of young people who report themselves as gambling is stark. A report for the National Lottery Commission by Ipsos MORI in 2013, surveying more than 2,000 11 to 15-year-olds from 100 state-maintained schools, showed that no less than 15% of young teenagers had engaged in some form of gambling in the previous week. Some 2% of 11 to 12-year-olds and 1% of those aged 16 to 24 are estimated to have a gambling problem. That equates to approximately 127,500 young people who report themselves as having a gambling problem or addiction in the UK today.
It is not just the young people themselves who pay the price for their addiction; it is often society in general. Problem gambling is connected with a number of negative outcomes for young people. It has been linked to poor mental health, including major depression, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, and anxiety. It is also linked to crime—to feed the desire to gamble—and often, unfortunately, to substance abuse among the same group of young people. Many adults who present themselves for treatment for a gambling addiction or other problem say that their gambling started during childhood. Those facts make the worrying increase in the number of under-16s who are gambling not just a problem for today, but one that will have serious consequences for years to come.
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GamCare, the industry-funded helpline and help centre for those who have a problem with gambling, said recently that 60% of its calls had come from those aged between 18 and 35. The most recent evidence shows that the number of people who are in danger of becoming problem gamblers in this country is nearly 1 million, and that the number of hardcore addicts has doubled to 500,000 in the six years since deregulation. It could not easily have been predicted when the law changed in 2007, following the Gambling Act 2005, that the growth in smartphone technology would cause such an expansion in the gambling industry, but it is now irrefutable that the number of opportunities to gamble have proliferated, and that the law has simply failed to keep up with technology. I believe that there is a direct causal link between the deregulation of gambling, coupled with a massive increase in advertising, and the increase in the number of young people who are gambling today.
I do not wish to prevent any adult from having access to gambling, or from receiving information about it. However, it is an age-related activity, and it seems only right and proper for us to protect young people from being exposed to advertisements for what is for some, albeit a small number, an addictive and harmful activity. Advertisements on television have great power. Young people, and indeed some adults, believe that if something is advertised on TV, it is bound to be harmless. Constant advertisements for gambling condition young people to believe that it is a fun or glamorous activity; indeed, some advertisements are endorsed by celebrities. We must restrict such advertisements to adults, who are better able to weigh the odds, to understand the risks and, crucially, to deal with the consequences of any gambling losses. Tobacco advertisements were banned from television in 1991, and we must act similarly now to ban gambling advertisements before the watershed.
Before proposing the Bill, I spent some time visiting an NHS clinic in Soho that treats those suffering from gambling addiction, and heard at first hand about the impact of advertisements on recovering addicts. I have also been in touch with parents and grandparents throughout my constituency, all of whom have spoken to me of their deep concern about the way in which their experience of watching television with their children and grandchildren is changing. Gambling advertisements now seem to dominate their screens, and children ask them about gambling and about how they can gamble during sports matches. I have also worked with local churches, which have given me fantastic support, and are advocating and praying for a change in the law. I thank them all for the work that they have done.
I recently launched the website BackBerrysBill.tk to give people an opportunity to sponsor the Bill. In just two weeks, it has been signed by nearly 1,000 residents of Rossendale and Darwen, along with other people throughout the country. This is a public lobby asking for change, and I hope that the Government will act. I am delighted to have the support of Members on both sides of the House who are helping to prepare and bring in the Bill, but while I welcome the Government’s announcement that they are working with the Advertising Standards Authority to review the law, I urge them to act now.
Let me end by saying that I hope that, in years to come, we shall look back at gambling advertisements on television before the watershed with the same incredulity
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with which we now view tobacco advertising, smoking in restaurants, and people not wearing seat belts in cars. We must act now: it is time to stop gambling with the future of our young people.
1.25 pm
Philip Davies (Shipley) (Con): My hon. Friend the Member for Rossendale and Darwen (Jake Berry) is a good man, but in this instance he is badly misguided. During the last Parliament, under a Labour Government, I came to expect an assault on freedom and a triumph for the nanny state. That is what we expect from the Labour party, because that is what it is in business to do. It is always incredibly sad when the march of the nanny state and the illiberal side of the argument are to be observed on the Conservative Benches, and I therefore take no pleasure in having to respond to a move of this kind from our side.
It is interesting that my hon. Friend should have talked about the watershed. The watershed is, of course, becoming an increasingly redundant method of dealing with advertising, because people can play programmes back and view them at any time of day. I am not sure that the watershed is a forward-looking mechanism that my hon. Friend would wish to use even if anyone were to support his line of argument.
The point that my hon. Friend forgot to make when he was talking about children gambling is that it is illegal for anyone under the age of 18 to enter a betting shop or place a bet there, or to place a bet online. If his contention is that people are breaking the law, he should surely introduce a measure to try to ensure that the law as it stands is enforced. That, rather than nanny-state measures such as this, is the way in which to solve the problem.
Some people have argued that gambling companies are making advertisements in order to groom a future generation of gamblers. Anyone who thinks that any company puts out advertisements in the hope that in about five years someone might place a bet or take out a contract with it is living in cloud cuckoo land. Long-term thinking for most businesses tends to relate to the end of the current financial year. The idea that the purpose of these advertisements is to store up future generations of customers is absolute nonsense.
I was also interested to hear what my hon. Friend envisaged being covered by the Bill. He seemed to be against the advertising of gambling if it involved horse racing or sports betting, including online betting, but to think that all other forms of gambling were fine. Bingo would presumably be fine; poker might be fine; perhaps financial products, whose the value can go up or down—which is certainly a gamble—would be fine, or perhaps the Bill would ban advertisements for them. I am not entirely sure what my hon. Friend’s definition of gambling is, but if it involves getting rid of advertisements for the Sun Life Over 50 Plan on the basis that its value can go down as well as up, that will probably be welcomed by many people who currently have to suffer those advertisements.
I should certainly like to know whether bingo would be involved, because only last week the Government were lauding the fact that they were encouraging more people to play bingo and gamble on it. My hon. Friend’s boss, the party chairman, even put up a poster to that
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effect. Perhaps my hon. Friend has presented this Bill only a week later because of the response to that advertisement. Perhaps he wants to prevent his boss from producing another advertisement for bingo in the future. Let me say as an aside that I thought that the party chairman’s poster should have read “The Conservatives, cutting taxes on bingo—the only person sweating is Ed Miliband”, but then I realised that the idea of anybody sweating might well be an alien concept to people down south, and would probably have been lost on the leadership of the Conservative party.
I am not sure why my hon. Friend seeks to have a go at certain forms of gambling but not others. I am not sure why losing £5 in a game of bingo is very much better than losing £5 on a bet on the Grand National; it seems to me that if you lose £5, you lose £5, and the form of gambling does not really matter.
Of course, children do not just watch TV, they look at lots of other media—for example, they read the newspapers. Does my hon. Friend want to ban advertising by gambling companies in newspapers lest a child see it? That seems a rather ridiculous extension of the Bill, but I cannot understand why, logically, he would allow advertising in newspapers but not on TV. That makes no sense.
The Bill’s other unintended consequence is that it would deny betting companies the opportunity to promote responsible gambling. I would have thought that we should encourage bookmakers to use their advertising space to encourage people to bet responsibly and set financial and time limits—that is a noble thing to do —but the Bill would prevent bookmakers from promoting responsible gambling to their customers.
Of course, most daytime programmes that would be affected by the Bill are targeted at older people. During term time, we would like to think that most children are at school. If people want to advertise on TV at a time when children cannot see it, during the day in term time is probably the best time. Yet my hon. Friend wants to ban adverts on TV at that particular time, which seems to defeat his object.
Problem gambling is declining in this country, despite the increase in gambling advertising. The Minister knows that the latest health survey for England records overall problem gambling at between 0.4% and 0.5%. That is a reduction from the 0.6% to 0.9% range in the previous gambling prevalence survey. The number of children gambling is the lowest ever. The survey to which my hon. Friend the Member for Rossendale and Darwen
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referred concluded that the overall rate of gambling is the lowest in the data series. That research also shows that the number of children who reported gambling online in the previous week had fallen from 3% to 1% since the liberalisation of gambling advertising.
My hon. Friend talked about the people aged between 16 and 24 who had a gambling problem. He would be better advised to seek a change in the law to stop 16 and 17-year-olds being able to gamble legally on the national lottery. It would be much more helpful if we allowed all gambling only at the age of 18. If he introduced a Bill to increase the age at which people can gamble on the lottery from 16 to 18, he would have my wholehearted support. I hope that he will consider that.
All the available academic research indicates that the impact of gambling advertising on young people and problem gambling is relatively small. The Government are already reviewing all the advertising rules and codes that apply to gambling. That review will report in the autumn.
Gambling advertising is important to the gambling industry but also to the advertising industry and the broadcasters. It is a huge revenue stream for companies such as ITV and Channel 4 that helps them make the high-quality programmes that we all wish them to make. I do not see the need to deprive them of that income.
Time has defeated me, but let me say that, of gambling adverts on TV in 2012, there were 532,000 for bingo—the gambling that the Government appear to want to promote to all and sundry—which is 38% of all the advertising. There were 411,000 adverts for online casinos and poker; 355,000 for lotteries and scratchcards; and just 91,000 for sports betting, which is the focus of the Bill.
The measure is an extension of the nanny state. It is illiberal and not backed up by any available evidence. I therefore hope that colleagues will reject it. I do not intend to try to deny my hon. Friend his opportunity today by seeking a Division. However, I hope that, in the fullness of time, the Minister will reject the Bill because it is just an extension of what we would have expected from the last Labour Government.
Question put and agreed to.
Ordered,
That Jake Berry, Mr Stewart Jackson, Mr David Lammy, Gordon Birtwistle, John Woodcock, Pauline Latham, Fiona Bruce, Jim Shannon, Alistair Burt and Sir Tony Baldry present the Bill.
Jake Berry accordingly presented the Bill.
Bill read the First time; to be read the Second time on Friday 16 May, and to be printed (Bill 195).

Fiona Bruce MP leads Parliamentary debate on abortion

Fiona Bruce MP leads Parliamentary debate on Abortion of the disabled

Fiona Bruce MP led a debate in the House of Commons calling for changes in the way abortion laws are applied. A full copy of the debate can be accessed below.
Fiona Bruce said25 years after the legislation was passed a review of the guidelines on abortion on the grounds of the disability of the unborn child is very much needed, bearing in mind the medical, cultural and legal changes and progress in our society regarding disabled people over that time. Many people are now shocked to discover that an abortion on the grounds of the disability of the unborn child- including treatable disabilities - can be carried out up to the point of birth. I am hopeful from the Minister’s response to the debate that medical practice and guidelines on this issue will be reviewed. This is much needed, as also is the stopping of abortion on the grounds of the gender of an unborn child which I am continuing to press Government Ministers on.”

ENDS
NOTE TO EDITOR
A full copy of the debate is below
Abortion (Disability)
Motion made, and Question proposed, That this House do now adjourn.—(Harriett Baldwin.)
7.55 pm
Fiona Bruce (Congleton) (Con): I thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker, for this opportunity to speak on a sensitive subject. Few would disagree that Britain is a friendlier place for disabled people than it was a few decades ago—better, that is, unless we are talking about a disabled baby in the womb. The contrast between the way we see disabled people before and after birth could barely be starker. A disabled unborn child has effectively no rights up to birth. Many people are shocked to learn that he or she can be aborted right up to birth—as many as 16 weeks beyond the 24-week threshold for able-bodied babies. But the moment after birth, a whole panoply of rights and support suddenly comes into play for the disabled child. I know that from personal experience, and here declare an interest. My own son, Sam, was born with a club foot, one of the defects for which an abortion up to birth can be obtained. Yet within minutes of his birth, the hospital telephoned its specialist in treating club feet, who was on leave at the time and who rushed in within two hours to begin manipulating Sam’s foot.
Andrew Selous (South West Bedfordshire) (Con): On the issue of abortions up to birth, does my hon. Friend share my belief that where the disability may be relatively minor—a cleft palate or something such as that—the public would be very concerned to learn that these were allowed literally right up to birth?
Fiona Bruce: Indeed I do, and I thank my hon. Friend for that intervention. Although there are not many such abortions, there are still some taking place for treatable and relatively minor defects, such as a club foot. My son had physiotherapy every day for the first year of his life. He wore a calliper in his early years and he had two operations until into his teens, but now one would never know, unless one was a specialist, that he had been born with a foot defect. Yesterday, Sam was 21, and in the past few days has heard that he has been admitted to Oxford university. It is hard to think that such a treatable disability could have deprived him of life, and he is far from alone. I believe that the footballer, Steven Gerrard, was born with a club foot.
We have allowed a completely inconsistent and contradictory approach to disability to develop in this country with reference to the born and unborn child, and for that reason I am asking the Minister to review the application of this legislation. To clarify, the Abortion Act 1967 was amended in 1990 to provide for abortion up to, and during, birth where there is “substantial risk” of “serious handicap”—often called ground E abortions. But neither of those terms have statutory definitions. Instead, what constitutes “substantial risk” or “serious handicap” is left to doctors to decide, with differing outcomes across the country, and that difference can mean life or death to an unborn child. Professor Gordon Stirrat gives an example of a couple seeking abortion because of a cleft palate at 34 weeks, where there was a significant difference between doctors who refused an abortion under ground E and other doctors who interpreted the law as covering the couple’s situation.
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Jim Shannon (Strangford) (DUP): I congratulate the hon. Lady on bringing this very important matter to the House for consideration. It was mentioned in Prime Minister’s questions today, for example. Does she agree that the UN convention on the rights of the child, which protects the rights of children, and the Equality Act 2010, which outlaws discrimination on grounds of disability, would demand that this House should change this grossly offensive law that allows children over 24 weeks to be aborted?
Fiona Bruce: The hon. Gentleman makes a relevant point.
Developments in the law, in medicine and in cultural attitudes have led me to introduce this debate. Because of the lack of clarification, the law is being applied in what one barrister has called a haphazard fashion. In 2007, the Select Committee on Science and Technology recommended that the Department of Health produce guidance that would be clinically useful to doctors and patients in this regard, and in response the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists provided updated guidance in 2010, but there still seems to be a considerable difference in views and working practice about what comes within the law and what does not. That is concerning for parents, practitioners, law makers and disabled people, many of whom believe it is now time to review the framework within which this law operates.
It is hard to see the differing treatment of disabled fetuses and able-bodied fetuses as anything other than discrimination, about which disability groups are particularly concerned. Medical knowledge has changed radically since 1990, and even more since 1967, and there have been improvements in fetal medicine, including the ability to correct disabilities, even within the womb before birth.
Mr Nigel Dodds (Belfast North) (DUP): I, too, congratulate the hon. Lady on bringing this important matter before the House. As the father of a disabled boy who had eight years of a wonderful life—he had spina bifida and hydrocephalus, he gave much love and everybody who knew him loved him greatly—I join her in her plea for an end to discrimination against children in the womb who are disabled. She makes an important point about developments in medical treatment, even within the womb, especially in the area of spina bifida.
Fiona Bruce: I thank the right hon. Gentleman for that intervention. He makes a pertinent point. Disabled children can enjoy life and can give great joy to their families. Even disabilities such as Down’s syndrome cover a very wide spectrum and we need to remember that. When mothers and fathers hear the news about a child’s diagnosis with fetal disability, it is important that they are given information about the spectrum and about their options.
We have seen changes in neonatal intensive care, palliative care, paediatric surgery, educational care and community support. Conditions that might previously have been grounds for abortion are now treatable, and attitudes towards people with disabilities have moved on greatly.
As has been mentioned, the Equality Act 2010 protects disabled people from being treated differently or discriminated against as a result of their disability. In
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light of all this medical, legal and cultural progress in our society, is it not now time to review the application of the legislation? If we do not consider a disabled person of inferior worth after birth, why do so before?
I want now to turn to a separate point. Many women feel steered, pushed or even rushed into having an abortion once it is determined that they might be carrying a disabled baby. Time and again I heard of that in a commission that I chaired in this House last year, which carried out a parliamentary inquiry into abortion on the grounds of disability. A copy has been placed in the Library. The commission’s committee comprised several Members of both Houses and all parties with different views on abortion but a common concern about the issue. We took oral and written evidence over several months from a total of 299 witnesses. Repeatedly, mothers told us that they had come, as one said,
“under huge pressure to have an abortion”,
because, as another said,
“this is the expectation of the health care professionals”.
Other mothers told us that they were not given support when making the decision, or they felt fearful that they would not be able to cope in future due to limited financial resources or community support in their locality. One said:
“My son (who is now eight years old) has Down’s syndrome. He was diagnosed in the womb at 35 weeks and I was actively encouraged to seek a termination by the doctor who gave me the diagnosis. I was given no support by my local hospital in my decision to keep my baby. I had to actively seek support elsewhere and I’m sure you will appreciate how difficult this was as I was heavily pregnant and in a vulnerable state.”
Parents may find that they are given only a leaflet on abortion, with plenty of advice on having an abortion, but no information specific to the condition that has been diagnosed, or information about what support they could expect if they kept the baby, or an alternative such as adoption. One said that
“choosing to keep the baby effectively meant I was on my own.”
Some mothers were made to feel irresponsible bringing a disabled child into the world on the basis that the child would be a drain on public resources. Many felt guilty about allowing their disabled child to be born. Recently we heard how distressed mothers were in Leeds general infirmary when they felt under pressure to abort babies with treatable heart defects. Was it ever Parliament’s intention that a treatable condition should come within the scope of ground E?
We also heard from a doctor, Mr Jayamohan, about particularly good practice such as counselling; expert support from trained clinicians; the provision of information about the child’s potential disability and treatment; the offer to speak to another family with a child with a similar condition; palliative care; and the opportunity to meet specialists as soon as possible after diagnosis, and so on, to enable parents to make their decision. One parent said:
“Guidelines and standards need to be set in place, which all hospitals need to meet, to ensure all families are given support on education of disabilities when faced with such a situation. To give a family a diagnosis of a disability and then to immediately follow that up with the advice that they can have a termination without any other information is simply not acceptable in a civilised society”.
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Does the Minister agree that there is a need for better, more consistent, balanced information, trained counsellors, increased awareness of palliative care for newborns, and comprehensive information and support from the medical profession, whatever parents’ decision about the pregnancy? Would she consider developing best practice guidelines to encompass that?
We even heard of misdiagnoses. Parents told the commission about diagnoses that had proved to be incorrect. One said that
“we were advised my daughter be aborted up to birth due to the results of an antenatal test. The most serious result indicated Dandy Walker Malformation of the brain. In fact when scanned after birth there was no such malformation. Our daughter is now 6 years old and a happy normal child.”
Mr Jayamohan told the commission that of 32 post-mortems of late-stage terminations he had examined, two indicated that the diagnosis had been profoundly wrong. It is worth remembering that these are wanted babies, and parents who choose an abortion suffer grief from their loss. As one has said, it is a
“bereavement like any other person”.
Last year, more than half of ground E abortions were diagnosed by ultrasound alone, which I understand can carry a 10% to 15% rate of false positive diagnosis, meaning that of the 1,367 ground E abortions diagnosed by ultrasound in 2012, as many as 200 may have been falsely diagnosed. What steps are in place to help the Department assess the accuracy of prenatal diagnostics? Should not all be done that can be done to reduce the option of an abortion where it is not necessary or wanted? To that end, does the Minister agree that improvements need to be made in data collection, as there seem to be weaknesses, gaps and limitations in the collection of information on abortions that take place due to disability. One professor has described it as “very inaccurate”. We should be collating more information on the reasons for abortion beyond 24 weeks and analysing such data appropriately. We should consider a report to a coroner for all late-term abortions and carefully consider the need for post-mortems. There should be a national register for all congenital abnormalities, not just for Down’s syndrome. All this would help to improve future diagnosis and, I hope, lead to lower numbers of abortions.
Let me touch on the increasing concern about fetal pain. A new scientific consensus is emerging that babies in the womb can feel pain, even from 20 weeks—certainly, as seems incontrovertible, from about 26 weeks. Yet we permit disabled babies to be aborted at up to 40 weeks. One mother, when asked whether her child would feel pain, was told, “He’s going to feel it.” Is it because we believe that disabled babies do not feel pain, or because we do not care that they do, that we allow abortion at up to 40 weeks for them? During the passage of the Bill that became the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 2008, the age of viability was agreed at 24 weeks; it can of course be even younger. Why does this threshold not apply to the disabled?
The logical corollary is that society is saying that disabled babies who can survive outside the womb should not be allowed to do so. I cannot escape the conclusion that this is discriminatory. It simply cannot be right that, as a society that purports to respect disabled people, we act to prevent their very existence in
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this way. These are arguments open to anyone who values human life and deplores discrimination against disabled people.
My final request of the Minister is whether she would be good enough to take time after this debate to consider the 2013 parliamentary inquiry into abortion on the grounds of disability and respond to the recommendations within it, not all of which I have been able to touch on tonight for reasons of time.

Recognising Marriage in the Tax System

Fiona Bruce welcomes Government commitment to recognise Marriage in the Tax System

In a speak in the House of Commons on the Chancellor’s Budget proposals in the Finance Bill, Fiona Bruce MP welcomed the Coalition Government’s commitment to recognise marriage in the tax system for the first time.
Fiona Bruce said “This has been an issue I have consistently fought on since becoming an MP – not for moral or ethical reasons but simply because all the statistics show that marriage is the most stable enduring relationship in which to bring up children – it is good for them, for the parties to the marriage and their wider community.  Successive Governments recognised with tax breaks arrangements which have beneficial social impacts such as cycling to work and even staff Christmas parties – so why not marriage?
I first raised this with an amendment to the Finance Bill in 2011 which was then rejected with only 23 MPs in favour and 473 against. That makes this budget proposal, which was passed by the House last week, all the more welcome.”

ENDS
NOTE TO EDITOR
The full text of Fiona’s speech is as follows:
I support clause 11, and acknowledge and support the excellent speeches made by my hon. Friends the Members for Peterborough (Mr Jackson) and for East Worthing and Shoreham (Tim Loughton). I support marriage, not for moral, religious or ethical reasons, but because, as they said, and as all the evidence shows—I shall provide evidence shortly and will not be deterred by the fact that others have quoted it—marriage promotes stability, security and better life outcomes for children; improves health and well-being for the parties to the marriages, notably as they age; and strengthens the wider community, as those in married families are more likely to be actively involved in it.The Opposition, as the debate has shown, do not get it that the proposal benefits not only those couples who will receive the allowance, but the much wider society. Supporting the proposal, and supporting marriage through the tax system, is a matter of social justice. Underlying so many social problems that the country faces is the problem of family breakdown and, in particular, family breakdown outside marriage. Many hon. Members are reluctant to talk about that for fear of being branded judgmental, but the fact is that helping to strengthen health and well-being through supporting marriage is to help to tackle a key, root cause—relationship breakdown—of so many contemporary problems, such as addiction, abuse and mental health issues, and the increasing problem of acute loneliness, especially in old age.The proposal is even more a matter of social justice because, as the Centre for Social Justice reports, indications show that, whatever the liberal press might say, the better off in our society get the fact that the benefits of marriage are worth buying into and are marrying while the less well off are increasingly not getting married. According to the CSJ, that is causing a widening gulf between better-off married people and less well-off unmarried people. The latter do not access the health and well-being benefits that I and other hon. Members have mentioned and that marriage can bring. Rather, they are falling into an increasing cycle of negative outcomes and social instability, which is inter-generational. If we really care about building a society that promotes social equality rather than inequality, and one that 9 Apr 2014 : Column 301
offers a key route out of poverty for those who may otherwise be trapped within it, and if we are really serious about social justice, one key policy is backing marriage.
As my hon. Friends the Members for Peterborough and for East Worthing and Shoreham have stated, the statistics are stark. Children aged five are five times more likely not to be living with both parents if their parents are not married. The position is far worse for children aged 15. Women and children are significantly more vulnerable to violence in unmarried families. Teenagers living outside married family relationships have much higher delinquency rates than others. Seventy per cent. of young offenders come from unmarried families. The prevalence of mental health issues among children living outside married family relationships is 75% higher than among children of married parents.Fiona O'Donnell: Does the hon. Lady believe that, if a tax break acts as an incentive or a reward, more couples would marry, and that those problems would then go away?Fiona Bruce: The measure sends out a clear marker from the Government that marriage works. That is why it is important. I absolutely agree that it will not be an incentive, but I hope it will be an encouragement. I hope it is a start that will be built upon.On old age, 90% of all care beds in hospitals and care homes are occupied by unmarried men and women. Couples who separate and who have never been married are less likely to support each other in old age and, apparently, their children are less likely to support their elderly parents.On the positive side, the commitment that marriage requires in terms of the emotional, economic and social investment in the relationship in turn generates security, health and longevity. As we have heard, even the poorest 20% of married couples are more stable than all but the richest 20% of cohabiting couples. The health gain from marriage could be as large as the benefit from giving up smoking, leading some researchers to suggest that, if marriage were a drug, it would be hailed as a miracle cure. I could continue, but the evidence is legion.None of that is to suggest that all married families enjoy better outcomes than any single-parent family or cohabiting couple. Clearly, there are dysfunctional married families and successful single parents and cohabiting couples. However, the weight of evidence is firmly in favour of stable, publically committed, married families being the most beneficial structure.Steve McCabe: I am interested in what the hon. Lady is saying. I am not exactly sure what the source of the evidence she quotes is, but does the evidence draw any distinction between the impact on married couples of whom both partners work and the impact on married couples of whom only one partner works? Has that distinction influenced this tax policy?Fiona Bruce: This tax policy increases the opportunity for choice. Many mothers and fathers want to stay at home and do not want to go have to go out to work. I appreciate that the financial implications of the policy 9 Apr 2014 : Column 302
are small but, none the less, the policy says, “We value you and your role in society if you want to stay at home.”
If we are serious about finding effective solutions to community breakdown and to the poverty that blights parts of Britain characterised by family breakdown, educational failure, economic dependence, indebtedness and addictions, supporting marriage is one way to do so. The public support that, contrary to the view of the hon. Member for Plymouth, Moor View (Alison Seabeck), who is no longer in her place—[Interruption.] I apologise. She is in the Chamber, but in a different place. I endeavoured to intervene on her because, according to a YouGov poll, 85% of people support giving financial recognition to married couples through the tax system, and 83% of the public think that tackling family breakdown is important. Even more starkly, according to the Centre for Social Justice, half of lone mothers think it is important that children grow up with a father.Yes, the proposal will cost the Exchequer—I believe the shadow Minister said it will cost some £550 million—but that is dwarfed by the cost of family breakdown which, in 2012, had risen to some £44 billion. It is estimated by the Relationships Foundation to have an equivalent cost to the UK taxpayer of £1,470 a year each. Of course, that figure is still rising—currently £46 billion and increasing.Support for marriage, therefore, simply cannot be dismissed as giving money to those who are already comfortable. As we have heard, this proposal will disproportionately benefit those on the lower half of the income scale, but it is much more than that. It is a matter of social justice. Supporting marriage is progressive. It is the right thing to do, not only for individuals but for the beneficial public consequences it promotes. If arrangements have beneficial public consequences, such as good environmental conduct or saving for one’s pension, it is established practice that such public benefits are recognised by the tax system. So it should be with marriage.Bob Stewart (Beckenham) (Con): Is there any provision that would mean that people who have been together as a family—a man and a woman, with children—for a certain period of time, say five years, would be able to count in the same way as being married to get the tax break? The benefits would then be almost the same, would they not?Fiona Bruce: The benefits that are proposed in this clause are for married couples. That is the way in which our society recognises a permanent and lifelong commitment that is intended by the parties.Of course I would like to see more, but I welcome this positive start. I would like to see a department for families, a dedicated family policy across government and greater investment in relationship education for young people, both in school and later for those embarking on relationships or contemplating having a family. In the meantime, I fully support this proposal. It will encourage marriage and sends out an important signal that, for the first time in a long time from the Government, marriage is valued in our society—something the last Government never did. It places Britain in the position of recognising marriage in the tax system, whereas we were the only country in Europe not to do so. Is it any coincidence that the UK has one of the highest levels of family breakdown in Europe? We have to do what we can to change that, and this is one way. As the Prime Minister said, this change will provide support. Our support for families and marriage puts us on the side of a progressive politics and on the side of change that says, “We can stop social decline, we can fix our broken society and we can make this country a better place to live for everyone.”

Wednesday 9 April 2014

Fiona Bruce welcomes Government announcement on smoking

Fiona Bruce welcomes Government announcement on Smoking

Fiona Bruce MP has welcomed Government proposals for plain packaging of cigarettes.
Fiona saidThis is something I have campaigned on with constituents and cancer at heart charities since becoming an MP. It is a priority to help prevent children from starting to smoke and this will be one way – research shows this could help 4000 children a year from starting to smoke.”
Welcoming the proposals in Parliament Fiona Bruce said “I strongly support the Minister’s statement and proposals. Does she agree that if 4,000 children a year can be discouraged from taking up smoking there will be a double public health win—not only better health outcomes for those 4,000, but the release of funds for the health treatment of others in their generation for illnesses and disease? Those funds would otherwise have to be used, in time, to treat many of those 4,000 for smoking-related diseases.”
In response, Health Minister Jane Ellison said “I thank my hon. Friend for those comments. She is absolutely right to draw the House’s attention to the fact that the extent to which we can bear down on smoking and stop people taking it up the first place has a major impact on the sustainability of our health services and will, as she says, free up more resources to be spent on other things. It is a very important health priority. She is also right to allude to the impact of, for example, 4,000 children not taking up smoking. Even a modest impact on a major killer is really important.”

Fiona Bruce addedIn fact, the packaging proposed will be far from plain but will contain unsightly images of smoking related diseases – enough to put anyone off smoking for life.”